BACKGROUND: Violence is a serious public health concern disproportionately experienced by American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) people. While the burden and impact of violence may be explained by the presence of risk factors among this group, AIAN communities benefit from unique protective factors and universal strategies which may be tailored with tribal adaptations. We sought to identify and explore violence prevention strategies specific to AIAN populations. METHODS: A review was conducted to systematically identify violence prevention programs, policies, and practices implemented in AIAN communities. We searched nine electronic databases and relevant gray literature released between January 1980 and June 2018. We included intervention-focused records targeting at least one violence topic area (child abuse/neglect, elder abuse, intimate partner violence, sexual violence, youth violence, and suicide) in a majority (> 50%) AIAN population. RESULTS: A total of 5220 non-duplicate records were screened, yielding 318 full-text records. After applying exclusion criteria, 57 records describing 60 program, policy, or practice implementations of 43 unique interventions were identified. All six violence types were represented, although more than half (58%; n = 25/43) focused on suicide prevention. Among suicide prevention programs, the most common strategies were identifying and supporting people at risk (80%; n = 20), teaching coping and problem-solving skills (56%; n = 14), and promoting connectedness (48%; n = 12). Two-thirds of the implementations (67%; n = 40/60) were in fully (100%) AIAN communities. Programs were implemented across many settings, though schools were the most common (35%, n = 21/60) setting. Of the 60 total implementations, a majority (80%; n = 48) were new approaches developed by and for AIAN communities, while the remainder were AIAN adaptations of programs previously created for non-AIAN populations. Most implementations (60%; n = 36/60) provided some evaluation data although less than half (45%; n = 27/60) reported evaluation results. CONCLUSIONS: This review identified many violence prevention strategies specific to AIAN populations. While programs developed in one tribe may not be completely generalizable to others, shared tribal risk and protective factors suggest programs could be successful across diverse communities. Findings indicate there is a need to develop and evaluate violence prevention programs, policies and practices for AIAN populations.

The purpose of this study was to explore U.S. parents' and caregivers' understanding about children's bullying-what bullying is and how to address it. We analyzed 2017, 2018, and 2019 Fall ConsumerStyles online panel survey data from U.S. parents/caregivers of children ages 10 to 17 years (N = 1,516), including 20 items representing statements consistent or inconsistent with the bullying prevention evidence and best practices. Percentage of endorsement for each item and a summary measure of understanding about bullying were calculated. The association between low overall understanding about bullying and sociodemographic characteristics was explored. Most parents identified bullying as harmful (77%), repetitive (63%), and involving power imbalance (51%). At least half of parents answered 13 or more items (20 total) consistent with the bullying prevention evidence or best practices. Being male, non-Hispanic Black or Hispanic, having high school or less education, and small household size were associated with higher odds of low overall understanding about bullying. Awareness of parents' understanding about bullying and how to appropriately address it is vital for bullying prevention. Findings can inform the strategic development of bullying prevention health messages for parents.

Violence against American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) women, children, two-spirit individuals,(1) men, and elders is a serious public health issue. Violence may result in death (homicide), and exposure to violence has lasting effects on the physical and mental health of individuals, including depression and anxiety, substance abuse, chronic and infectious diseases, and life opportunities, such as educational attainment and employment. All communities are affected by some form of violence, but some are at an increased risk because of intergenerational, structural, and social factors that influence the conditions in communities where people live, learn, work, and play. Using a violence prevention public health approach, we discuss the role public health can play in addressing and preventing the prevalence of missing or murdered indigenous persons (MMIP).(2) This paper is written as a public health primer and includes a selective overview of public health and Native public health research. It also includes case studies and Native experts' reflections and suggestions regarding the use of public health knowledge and theory, as well as Native knowledge and cultural practices to combat violence. An effective public health prevention approach is facilitated by complex, contextual knowledge of communities and people, including individual and community risk factors, as well as protective factors in strengthening Native communities and preventing MMIP. Public health promotes and protects the health of people and the communities where they live, learn, work, and play. To prevent violence, public health seeks to create safe, stable, and nurturing relationships and environments for all people. MMIP affects communities, families, and loved ones, and its victims may be women and girls, children, men, two-spirit individuals, and elders. Violence is defined as "the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment, or deprivation."(3) Violence, including adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), has a lasting impact on health, spanning injury, disease outcomes, risk behaviors, maternal and child health, mental health problems, and death.(4) This paper serves as a public health primer to prevent MMIP. MMIP context is provided by weaving public health, research, and applied examples from AIAN experts, best practices in public health, and legal approaches using traditional wisdom and culture. Woven throughout the text, author perspectives are provided as applied examples to contextualize and complement the topics raised based on the individual experiences of several authors.

The article is previously published with incorrect and missing information. The updates are as follows: | | The last sentence in the third paragraph of ‘Building hospital capacity for data collection’ in ‘Results’ section has been updated as ‘A one-way ANOVA revealed a significant difference between April 2015 and April 2016 triage times, F(1,2734)=5.33, p=0.02. Triage times were on average 16.2 s longer in April 2016 compared with April 2015. No post-hoc analyses were done to control for other, non-CMST-related changes that occurred during the triage process (eg, additional triage screen) from April 2015 to April 2016.’ | Below statement has been added in the sixth paragraph of the ‘Discussion’ section after ‘Nurse participation in the satisfaction … a different US hospital.’ | The statistically significant increase in triage time of 16.2 s, which is unlikely to be clinically significant, may reflect other non-CMST-related triage process changes - such as addition of another triage screen - that were not accounted for in the analyses.

The purpose of the current study was to examine the diffusion effects of a youth-led sexual violence prevention program (i.e., Youth Voices in Prevention [Youth VIP]). Specifically, social network analysis was used to measure the extent to which Youth VIP changed behaviors for 1172 middle and high school youth who did not attend program events but were friends with Youth VIP participants and completed the first and final survey (approximately 2 years apart). Findings suggest that there was considerable interpersonal communication about Youth VIP among the students generated by program participation. Specifically, youth with friends who participated in Youth VIP were more likely to report hearing their friends talk about Youth VIP and reported talking to their friends about Youth VIP compared with those not connected to Youth VIP participants. However, there were no diffusion effects found for behavioral outcomes (i.e., bystander intervention behavior, violence victimization, and perpetration). Given the mixed findings, further research is needed to determine the extent to which youth-led sexual violence prevention initiatives lead to changes in broader community-wide changes in youths' behaviors.

Bullying is a type of youth violence and an adverse childhood experience that can result in trauma and have immediate and long-term consequences for all involved. It can happen at school or elsewhere - including online entertainment and social and learning environments. Some children are at increased risk for bullying victimization, such as those targeted because of their racial/ethnic background or cultural identity. This study assessed U.S. parents and caregivers' self-reported changes in concern about their children's involvement in bullying during Fall 2020 compared to the prior year, which was marked by extraordinary historical circumstances (e.g., COVID-19 pandemic, heightened awareness of racial inequities, schools transitioning to virtual learning). Secondary analyses of data from the 2020 Fall ConsumerStyles and Estilos online panel surveys - designed to be representative of U.S. adults overall and U.S. Hispanic adults, respectively - were conducted. Differences by children's type of school attendance (i.e., physically at school or not) and parents' sociodemographic characteristics were explored. While findings suggest that U.S. parents' concern for their children being bullied during Fall 2020 compared to the prior year did not change, significant differences were found by the children's type of school attendance and the parents' race/ethnicity - with increased concern among parents of children who physically attended school, non-Hispanic Black parents and Hispanic parents. Among parents who reported being less concerned during Fall 2020 about their children being bullied compared to the prior year, not being physically at school is noted as the main reason why. Parents who reported being more concerned frequently noted racism as the reason why. It is imperative to understand what parents think about bullying, to best inform efforts to support their key role in bullying prevention.

PROBLEM/CONDITION: Homicide is a leading cause of death for American Indians/Alaska Natives (AI/ANs). Intimate partner violence (IPV) contributes to many homicides, particularly among AI/AN females. This report summarizes data from CDC's National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) on AI/AN homicides. Results include victim and suspect sex, age group, and race/ethnicity; method of injury; type of location where the homicide occurred; precipitating circumstances (i.e., events that contributed to the homicide); and other selected characteristics. PERIOD COVERED: 2003-2018. DESCRIPTION OF SYSTEM: NVDRS collects data regarding violent deaths obtained from death certificates, coroner/medical examiner reports, and law enforcement reports and links related deaths (e.g., multiple homicides and homicide followed by suicide) into a single incident. This report includes data on AI/AN homicides that were collected from 34 states (Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Utah, Virginia, Washington, and Wisconsin) and the District of Columbia. RESULTS: NVDRS collected data on 2,226 homicides of AI/ANs in 34 states and the District of Columbia during 2003-2018. The age-adjusted AI/AN homicide rate was 8.0 per 100,000 population. The homicide rate was three times higher in AI/AN males than females (12.0 versus 3.9), and the median age of AI/AN victims was 32 years (interquartile range: 23-44 years). Approximately half of AI/AN homicide victims lived or were killed in metropolitan areas (48.2% and 52.7%, respectively). A firearm was used in nearly half (48.4%) of homicides and in a higher percentage of homicides of AI/AN males than females (51.5% versus 39.1%). More AI/AN females than males were killed in a house or apartment (61.8% versus 53.7%) or in their own home (47.7% versus 29.0%). Suspects were identified in 82.8% of AI/AN homicides. Most suspects were male (80.1%), and nearly one third (32.1%) of suspects were AI/ANs. For AI/AN male victims, the suspect was most often an acquaintance or friend (26.3%), a person known to the victim but the exact nature of the relationship was unclear (12.3%), or a relative (excluding intimate partners) (10.5%). For AI/AN female victims, the suspect was most often a current or former intimate partner (38.4%), an acquaintance or friend (11.5%), or a person known to the victim but the exact nature of the relationship was unclear (7.9%). A crime precipitated 24.6% of AI/AN homicides (i.e., the homicide occurred as the result of another serious crime). More AI/AN males were victims of homicides due to an argument or conflict than females (54.7% versus 37.3%), whereas more AI/AN females were victims of homicides due to IPV than males (45.0% versus 12.1%). For homicides related to IPV, 87.2% of AI/AN female victims were killed by a current or former intimate partner, whereas approximately half (51.5%) of AI/AN male victims were corollary victims (i.e., victims killed during an IPV-related incident who were not the intimate partners themselves). INTERPRETATION: This report provides a detailed summary of NVDRS data on AI/AN homicides during 2003-2018. Interpersonal conflict was a predominant circumstance, with nearly half of all AI/AN homicides precipitated by an argument and for female victims, 45.0% precipitated by IPV. PUBLIC HEALTH ACTION: NVDRS provides critical and ongoing data on AI/AN homicides that can be used to identify effective and early intervention strategies for preventing these deaths. When possible, violence prevention efforts should include community-developed, culturally relevant, and evidence-based strategies. These efforts should incorporate traditional native knowledge and solutions, implement and possibly adapt evidence-based IPV and other violence prevention strategies, and consider the influence of historical and larger societal factors that increase the likelihood of violence in AI/AN communities.

Nonheterosexual (sexual minority) women report experiencing more sexual violence than heterosexual (sexual majority) women (1,2). Sexual minority women are often categorized as a collective whole, which fails to capture the nuances in sexual violence among subgroups of sexual minority women, such as bisexual and lesbian women (3). To estimate the prevalence of lifetime forced vaginal intercourse (forced sex) and of nonvoluntary first vaginal intercourse among women aged 18-44 years in the United States, CDC analyzed data from female respondents who were interviewed during 2011-2017 for the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG); respondents were stratified by self-reported sexual identity, attraction, and behavior. Log-binomial regressions and analyses of variance (ANOVAs) were performed to compare experiences across each dimension of sexual orientation, controlling for demographic characteristics. Compared with sexual majority women,* prevalence of any male-perpetrated nonvoluntary first vaginal intercourse or forced sex (nonvoluntary or forced sex) was higher among women who identified as bisexual (36.1% versus 17.5%), reported attraction to the opposite and same sex (30.3% versus 15.8%), and reported sexual behavior with the opposite and same sex (35.7% versus 15.9%). These sexual minority women reported that their earliest experience of nonvoluntary or forced sex occurred at younger ages than did that of sexual majority women. Among women who were unsure of their sexual attraction, the prevalence of nonvoluntary first vaginal intercourse was also higher than among sexual majority women. These findings underscore the need for comprehensive prevention approaches tailored for sexual minority women and prevention of child sexual abuse, given the average ages at earliest nonvoluntary or forced sex experience among sexual minority women (range = 12.5-16.3 years). Additional research is needed into the circumstances of and norms or attitudes that influence perpetration of nonvoluntary or forced sex and broader sexual violence against sexual minority women. Prevention of nonvoluntary or forced sex victimization among sexual minority women will require comprehensive approaches to prevent sexual violence and child sexual abuse. Engaging sexual minority women in the development of sexual violence prevention efforts and research would help ensure that the experiences of sexual minority women across the spectrum are represented.

Interactive media such as video games and virtual reality (VR) provide users with lived experiences that may be dangerous or even impossible in daily life. By providing interactive experiences in highly authentic, detail-rich contexts, these technologies have demonstrated measurable success in impacting how people think, feel, and behave in the physical world. At the same time, violent interactive media content has been historically connected with a range of antisocial effects in both popular press and academic research. Extant literature has established a small-but-statistically significant effect of interactive media violence on aggressive thoughts and behaviors, which could serve as a risk factor for interpersonal violence. However, left unexplored is the seemingly paradoxical claim that under some conditions, interactive media experiences might protect against interpersonal violence. Drawing on advances in media theory and research and the evolution of interactive media content and production practices, the current manuscript suggests ways in which interactive media violence may be leveraged to lower the likelihood of real-world violence experiences. For example, research on both violent and non-violent games has found that players can (a) express guilt after committing violent acts, (b) report reflective and introspective emotional reactions during gameplay, and (c) debate the morality of their actions with others. Regarding VR, studies have demonstrated that (a) witnessing physical violence in immersive spaces led participants to take the perspective of victims and better understand their emotional state and (b) controlled exposure to traumatic or violent events can be used for treatment. Broadly, studies into video games and VR demonstrate that the impact of actions in virtual worlds transfer into the physical worlds to influence (later) attitudes and behaviors. Thus, how these experiences may be potentially harnessed for social change is a compelling and open consideration, as are side-effects of such interventions on vulnerable groups. The current manuscript summarizes emerging research perspectives (as well as their limitations) to offer insight into the potential for interactive media violence to protect against real-world violence victimization and perpetration.

Health systems capture injuries using International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems, 10th Revision, Clinical Modification (ICD-10-CM) diagnostic codes and share data with public health to inform injury surveillance. This study analyses provider-assigned ICD-10-CM injury codes among self-reported injuries to determine the effectiveness of ICD-10-CM coding in capturing injury and assault. METHODS: Self-reported injury screen records from an urban, level 1 trauma centre collected between 20 November 2015 and 30 September 2019 were compared with corresponding provider-assigned ICD-10-CM codes discerning the frequency in which intentions are indicated among patients reporting (1) any injury and (2) assault. RESULTS: Of 380 922 patients screened, 32 788 (8.61%) reported any injury and 6763 (1.78%) reported assault. ICD-10-CM codes had a sensitivity of 67.40% (95% CI 66.89% to 67.91%) for any injury and specificity of 89.79% (95% CI 89.69% to 89.89%]). For assault, ICD-10-CM codes had sensitivity of 2.25% (95% CI 1.91% to 2.63%) and specificity of 99.97% (95% CI 99.97% 99.98%). DISCUSSION: This study found provider-assigned ICD-10-CM had limited sensitivity to identify injury and low sensitivity for assault. This study more fully characterises ICD-10-CM coding system effectiveness in identifying assaults.

Child corporal punishment is a prevalent public health problem in the US. Although corporal punishment is sustained through parents' perceptions of social norms supporting this discipline behavior, little research has investigated where these normative perceptions come from. To fill this gap, we conducted 13 focus groups including 75 low-income Black, Latino, and White parents across five states in the US. Results revealed that one influential source of Black and White parents' perceived norms was their positive framing of corporal punishment experiences during childhood. Furthermore, Black parents formed normative perceptions based on identification with parents in their racial/ethnic group, while White parents did so with parents sharing the same generation. Results are interpreted in light of the false consensus effect and self-categorization theory. In contrast, Latino parents viewed their childhood experience of corporal punishment as negative and distanced their parenting practices from those practiced in their countries of origin, suggesting an influence of acculturation. Their perceived norms were likely transmitted through interpersonal communication within their social networks. These findings shed light on how social norms are formed and in turn guide parents' use of corporal punishment as a tool to discipline children.

This study investigates emergency department visits for violence-related injuries occurring at home and outside the home in Cardiff, Wales, before and after COVID-19 lockdown measures were instituted in March 2020.

Sexual violence is prevalent and, for many victims, begins early in life (1). In the United States, one in five women and one in 38 men report completed or attempted rape victimization during their lifetime, with 43.2% of female and 51.3% of male victims reporting that their first rape victimization occurred before age 18 years (1). Media have been shown to act as a socializing agent for a range of health and social behaviors (2). Media portrayals might influence, reinforce, or modify how the public responds to incidents of sexual violence and their support for prevention efforts and media might construct a lens through which the public can understand who is affected by sexual violence, what forms it takes, why it happens, and who is responsible for addressing it (3). Media portrayals of sexual violence were assessed using a systematic random sample of newspaper articles from 48 of the top 50 distributed traditional print media outlets that were examined for sexual violence content and potential differences by geographic region and year of publication. Differences by year and region in type of sexual violence covered, media language used, and outcomes reported were identified, highlighting an opportunity for public health officials, practitioners, and journalists to frame sexual violence as a preventable public health issue and to incorporate best practices from CDC and the National Sexual Violence Resource Center's Sexual Violence Media Guide (4).

The purpose was to explore the underlying mechanisms that drive relationships between knowledge, attitudes and intervening bystander behavior to improve bystander violence prevention program effectiveness. Perceptual effects theory was used to understand third-person and first-person perceptions (TPP and FPP) as related to bystander intervention programs and to what extent perceptual gaps influence one’s intention to intervene. A web-based survey was conducted with 379 undergraduate students recruited from a large, Northeastern University. The survey covered demographics, previous bystander training, self-efficacy to engage in bystander behavior, social desirability of bystander intervention training programs, and perceived effects on self and others. Participants indicated how they would act in six hypothetical dating violence/bullying and sexual violence scenarios, and how they thought an average student on campus would act. Perceived ambiguity and risk for each of the scenarios were also measured. Descriptive statistics, paired-sample t-tests, and multilevel model analyses were conducted. Results showed that a robust first-person perception effect existed (i.e., the student perceived themselves being more influenced by bystander interventions/messages than their peers). The magnitude of FPP was increased by sex (significantly larger gap among female students) and previous training. Results show promise to further tailor and refine bystander interventions and provide directions to improve program effectiveness. Despite study limitations, the results indicate the first-person effect warrants further consideration for programming and messaging. Tailoring bystander training or repeated exposure may increase bystander behaviors. More research is needed to fully uncover TPP/FPP effects, predictors, and impacts on bystander intervention programs.

To establish commonalities and differences in social norms related to corporal punishment among Black, Latino, and White parents, we first examine survey data from a random sample of a nationally representative opt-in internet panel (n = 2500) to establish the frequency of corporal punishment among parents of children under five (n = 540) and their perceptions of the frequency of use of corporal punishment in their community and whether they ought to use corporal punishment. We disaggregate by race/ethnicity and education to identify higher risk groups. To better understand the beliefs underlying these perceptions among the higher risk group (i.e., less educated), we used a grounded theory approach to analyze data from 13 focus groups (n = 75) segmented by race/ethnicity (i.e., Black, Latino, or White), gender (i.e., mothers or fathers), and population density (i.e., rural or urban). Survey findings revealed that 63% of parents spanked, albeit the majority seldom or sometimes. Spanking was most frequent among Latinos (73%) and lowest among White parents (59%). While all participants across racial/ethnic groups believed the majority of parents spanked, even more than the proportion that actually do, about half believed they ought to spank. Perceptions of the frequency and acceptability of corporal punishment were associated with use of corporal punishment. The qualitative findings highlight more similarities than differences across Black, Latino, and White communities. The findings suggest social norms change efforts might focus on parents with less education and influencing perceptions around whether they ought to spank.

Adolescents engage in bullying and sexual harassment perpetration both in-person and online. Yet, little is known about the overlap of traditional (in-person) and cyber bullying and sexual harassment perpetration. The present study assessed the co-occurrence of these forms of aggression in high school and identified middle school predictors based on participants' perceptions of factors across the social ecology. Racially diverse middle and high school students (n = 3549) were surveyed over four time points from Spring 2008 to Spring 2013. A latent class analysis was used to identify classes of individuals according to endorsement of traditional and cyber bullying and sexual harassment items in high school. Four classes were identified: (1) high all, consisting of traditional and cyber bullying and sexual harassment perpetration (n = 227); (2) traditional bullying perpetration (n = 604); (3) traditional and cyber bullying perpetration (n = 450); and (4) low all (n = 1,261). Students who reported high levels of anger, self-esteem, empathy, pornographic exposure, and traditional masculinity (individual level), lower levels of social support and parental monitoring (relational level), and higher levels of school belonging (community level) had increased odds of being in the high all class when compared to the other classes. Given the co-occurrence of traditional and cyber bullying and sexual harassment, prevention programming that addresses both forms of aggression across traditional and online contexts may be beneficial. This study also suggests the importance of comprehensive prevention efforts that incorporate approaches at the different ecological levels, such as teaching adolescents healthy emotional and interpersonal skills, and engaging parents in prevention.

OBJECTIVES: Violence is a major public health problem in the USA. In 2016, more than 1.6 million assault-related injuries were treated in US emergency departments (EDs). Unfortunately, information about the magnitude and patterns of violent incidents is often incomplete and underreported to law enforcement (LE). In an effort to identify more complete information on violence for the development of prevention programme, a cross-sectoral Cardiff Violence Prevention Programme (Cardiff Model) partnership was established at a large, urban ED with a level I trauma designation and local metropolitan LE agency in the Atlanta, Georgia metropolitan area. The Cardiff Model is a promising violence prevention approach that promotes combining injury data from hospitals and LE. The objective was to describe the Cardiff Model implementation and collaboration between hospital and LE partners. METHODS: The Cardiff Model was replicated in the USA. A process evaluation was conducted by reviewing project materials, nurse surveys and interviews and ED-LE records. RESULTS: Cardiff Model replication centred around four activities: (1) collaboration between the hospital and LE to form a community safety partnership locally called the US Injury Prevention Partnership; (2) building hospital capacity for data collection; (3) data aggregation and analysis and (4) developing and implementing violence prevention interventions based on the data. CONCLUSIONS: The Cardiff Model can be implemented in the USA for sustainable violent injury data surveillance and sharing. Key components include building a strong ED-LE partnership, communicating with each other and hospital staff, engaging in capacity building and sustainability planning.

Interpersonal violence is a leading cause of death and injury in the United States.1 Although many cities rely on official law enforcement data to determine the magnitude, patterns, and prevention strategies for violence, data from the National Crime Victimization Survey conducted by the US Department of Justice indicates that a large number (52.6%) of violent crimes resulting in injury goes unreported to law enforcement.2 Consequently, because of incomplete data, cities are limited in their ability to effectively prevent and respond to violence.

Youths identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or another nonheterosexual identity (sexual minority youths) report more violence victimization, substance use, and suicide risk than do heterosexual youths (1). These disparities are generally attributed to minority stress (the process through which stigma directed toward sexual minorities influences health outcomes) (2,3). Sexual minority youths might experience negative outcomes associated with minority stress differently across sexual identities, but to date, no nationally representative study has examined differences in victimization, substance use, and suicide risk within sexual minority youth. Using pooled data from the 2015 and 2017 national Youth Risk Behavior Surveys (YRBS), relationships between sexual identity groups and victimization, substance use, and suicide risk were evaluated with sex-stratified logistic regression models. Compared with heterosexual students, bisexual females and all sexual minority males reported more victimization; lesbian and bisexual females reported more use of alcohol, cigarettes, and marijuana; and all sexual minority youths reported elevated high-risk substance use and suicide risk. Programmatic efforts to reduce and prevent victimization, substance use, and suicide risk among sexual minority youths might benefit from consideration of issues within group differences.

Identifying geographic areas and time periods of increased violence is of considerable importance in prevention planning. This study compared the performance of multiple data sources to prospectively forecast areas of increased interpersonal violence. We used 2011-2014 data from a large metropolitan county on interpersonal violence (homicide, assault, rape and robbery) and forecasted violence at the level of census block-groups and over a one-month moving time window. Inputs to a Random Forest model included historical crime records from the police department, demographic data from the US Census Bureau, and administrative data on licensed businesses. Among 279 block groups, a model utilizing all data sources was found to prospectively improve the identification of the top 5% most violent block-group months (positive predictive value = 52.1%; negative predictive value = 97.5%; sensitivity = 43.4%; specificity = 98.2%). Predictive modelling with simple inputs can help communities more efficiently focus violence prevention resources geographically.

Sexual risk reduction interventions are often ineffective for women who drink alcohol. The present study examines whether an alcohol-related sexual risk reduction intervention successfully trains women to increase assertive communication behaviors and decrease aggressive communication behaviors. Women demonstrated their communication skills during interactive role-plays with male role-play partners. Young, unmarried, and nonpregnant African American women (N = 228, ages 18-24) reporting unprotected vaginal or anal sex and greater than three alcoholic drinks in the past 90 days were randomly assigned to a control, a sexual risk reduction, or a sexual and alcohol risk reduction (NLITEN) condition. Women in the NLITEN condition significantly increased assertive communication behavior compared to women in the control condition, yet use of aggressive communicative behaviors was unchanged. These data suggest assertive communication training is an efficacious component of a sexual and alcohol risk reduction intervention. Public health practitioners and health educators may benefit from group motivational enhancement therapy (GMET) training and adding a GMET module to existing sexual health risk reduction interventions. Future research should examine GMET's efficacy in combination with other evidence-based interventions within other populations and examine talking over and interrupting one's sexual partner as an assertive communication behavior within sexual health contexts.